Paper 1, Work in progress, Contraband Modern in the Fes Medina Project

Contraband in Fes: The traditional Fassi carpet, a case study-

By Mariam Bouchama

O Fez! In you are gathered all the beauties of the world. How many are the blessings and riches that you bestow on your inhabitants. The challenge will tax man’s capacities and imagination to the full.[1] Amadu-Mahtar M’Bow[2]

Introduction

Surrounded by the Middle Atlas Mountains and only four hours on a plane from London, Fez is one of the most famous Islamic and Arab cities in the world. Being the first eastern city in Morocco, Fez is, in fact, the oldest city that has attracted world attention more than any other city in Morocco. Fez is believed to have been the largest city in the world in the 12th century. It was also the capital of Morocco at various times in the past. Fez, the first Muslim city in Morocco, was founded in the late 8th century by Moulay Driss, who is a descendent of the Prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him). It then became one of the holiest cities in the Islamic world, and one of the most important centres of Islamic, intellectual, commercial and cultural life.

Despite the decline of the Idrissi dynasty, Fez survived and remained a renowned religious and cultural centre of Morocco. The city’s remarkable survival was deeply related to its social development and to its community institutions which have played an extremely important role in preserving the Medina of Fez.

The cooperation between state institutions and the community was the main factor in the development of the Fez Medina. The Sultan was concerned with the strategic features of the city such as building defensive walls, providing the city with water, supervising urban spaces, etc. On the other hand, the community also participated in the preservation of the Medina. The neighbourhood institutions, which consisted of local judges (adoul’s), scholars (ulama), and trustees of local guild (umanaa), played a very important role in developing the city and preserving its unity.

From the 9th to the 19th century, changing the space of the Medina of Fez was based on preservation and innovation rather than on destruction. The city grew without any major sudden changes that might have altered its unity. Thus, the Medina was kept as a sustainable city thanks to the strong relationship that existed between the Medina and its people. It is said that Fez has not only the largest and oldest medina in Morocco, but also the biggest continuous car-free urban area in the world. This thousand-year-old city has an amazing wealth of historic sites, ancient Riyads, medieval schools, Medersas, ornate mosques, and formidable souks and kissariats, not to mention traditional crafts such as carpet weaving, ceramics, sculpture on wood, goldsmithery, leather tanning, embroidery, etc. All these local industries are practised in tiny workshops visible to all visitors. “It is an authentic city,” says a Fez born merchant. “One finds things here which exist nowhere else.” [3] In fact, the Medina of Fez is a unique centre not only of arts but also of learning and religion. This is why it continues to attract tourists, visitors and even students, who come from all over the world to visit and study.

In 1980, the UNESCO declared the city of Fez a “world heritage city”,[4] and its director general, Amadou Mahtar M’Bow, called it “a signal example of what men, moved by the same faith and the same ideal, and coming together from different horizons – from Kairouan or from Cordoba, from east or north or south – have been able to achieve in common.”[5]

Fez is the first Islamic and Arab city to be declared a World Heritage Site, because the Medina of Fez is one of the most typical medieval cities in the world. It has remained unchanged for centuries more than any other medieval city in the Arab world. Moreover, the Medina of Fez is a unique intellectual, scientific, and spiritual center, which has attracted both Moslems and Christians from Europe to come and study. Paul Bowles, who was very much attracted to Fez, wrote in 1984, “It would be difficult to find another city anywhere in which the every day vicissitudes of medieval urban life can be studied in such detail.” [6]

The exotic souks of the Medina and its exceptional artistic and spiritual characteristics make it a very important site at the universal level. This city is the origin of civilization and religion in Morocco, and the home of one of the oldest universities in the world, the famous Qarawiyyin Mosque, which was founded in 859. The mosque still preserves its twelfth-century minbar, which is considered one of the finest minbars in the world. In the 12th century, the Qarawiyyin Mosque was one of the great centres of learning in the Arab world. It has libraries and schools, and a university.

Today the old Medina of Fez still preserves its extraordinary historical and cultural architecture from luxurious Riyads to fascinating Mosques and Medersas. But Fez is not only a historical space reserved for tourists and visitors. It has also been for centuries a significant economic centre. Commerce forms the principle element, on which life in the Medina depends. It is also the means by which development and progress are being measured in the Medina. Above all, it is the best indicator of the traditional quality of the Medina and to what extent it has become influenced by foreign cultures.

During the last twenty years, the Medina of Fez has known a significant change with the emergence of contraband. Smuggled products, from Spain and Algeria, have invaded its traditional market, a fact that has caused serious damage to the local handicraft economy and violated the ancient order of the souks, not to mention the serious damage to the country’s economy.

This research paper will analyse the phenomenon of contraband in the Medina of Fez. In this light, this work will serve as an archive that documents the unpleasant situation in which the Medina of Fez has found itself during the last 20 years because of illegal trade. The purpose of this paper is to elaborate on the phenomenon of contraband and to show how the Medina has changed from a typically traditional place to a hybrid and global space, in which one recognises more than one nationality. I am going to deal with the way contraband has affected Moroccan identity and way of life, and how Moroccan people feel towards and react against this phenomenon.

I am going to focus on one particular product namely the traditional carpet. The choice of the Fassi traditional carpet as a case study comes from a personal conviction that we cannot talk about the Medina properly without referring to the traditional carpet, which, I believe, is the product that has been mostly affected by contraband. I am going to elaborate upon the different changes that the traditional carpet has known since the emergence of smuggled carpets into the traditional space of the Medina. I am also going to demonstrate how the smuggled carpet affected the traditional carpet as well as the identity of the Medina, and of its people. On the other hand, I am going to demonstrate how the traditional carpet resists this merciless invasion, and to what extent it has been successful in maintaining its local identity and character.

My paper is based on the fieldwork that I carried out in the Medina of Fez in the past few months. The interviews and photographs I use in my paper are original and authentic. They can serve as good documents in this archive. Since this research paper deals with an illegal phenomenon, the fieldwork I conducted about contraband in Fez was a difficult enterprise. Although I tried to be familiar with the people I was interviewing, most of my interviewees felt uncomfortable and suspicious of my motives. As a result, they tried to hide information that they thought could be harmful to them, especially when they saw that I was recording what they were saying.

After several similar experiences with people refusing to speak or taking back what they have said when they saw that I was recording their voices, I decided to change the method of conducting interviews. Instead of using a tape recorder, I started writing down whatever they said about contraband. This technique was more efficient and with better results. Consequently, people trusted me more and revealed to me important facts about contraband. My interviewees were also less suspicious and even more comfortable than before. One of my interviewees, who told me information of ‘great’ value said: “If the police hear what I am telling you now, they will take both of us to prison.” In fact, what this woman said shows to what extent people are afraid to speak about contraband in public.

I) Contraband invades the old Medina of Fez

A) What is contraband?

Within the current ongoing cultural debates, questions addressing the issues of contraband have gained considerable attention because of their economic, cultural and social dimensions. Everybody agrees that contraband is the illegal trafficking in goods, but, as far as I am concerned, the definition of contraband changes from one environment to another and from one situation to another. In the same country, the same goods are considered contraband in certain places and lawful in others. In Morocco, for instance, and during the month of Ramadan, some goods such as milk, flour, oil and cheese are allowed by the government to be imported from Spain and Algeria. However, importing the same goods at any other time is considered illegal. Therefore, time and space play very important roles in defining the term contraband.

The Moroccan newspaper L’ECONOMISTE[7] provides three important definitions of contraband. Officially, contraband is defined as the importation or the exportation of goods without going through customs. Customs have the official right to confiscate smuggled products, their means of transportation, and any equipments used to serve contraband. In addition to that, smugglers have to pay a fine, which is five times the price of the smuggled merchandise. Smugglers might also be arrested and given from a one month to a one year prison sentence.

Customs provide a second definition of contraband. This definition is more flexible, since customs allow certain people to import only merchandise that is listed in a brochure. People who are allowed to cross the Spanish-Moroccan border must be residents of the northern area (mainly Tetouan and Nador), and they should not go beyond 10,000 Dirhams of merchandise.

The third definition of contraband takes into account the human aspect of this illegal trade. Thats to say, they take into consideration the problems of unemployment and poverty. Therefore, this definition states that as far as unemployment exists, the problem of contraband cannot be solved. Finally, customs are aware that smugglers do not find pleasure in practising this illegal trade. Mr. Daoud, who is the director of a campaign against contraband, affirms: “I personally received letters from a contraband merchant, who would like to stop smuggling and to be given a legal permission to sell goods in Marrakech for example.”[8]

B) Contraband in the context of the traditional carpet

Here, I would like to elaborate on contraband in the context of the traditional carpet. In addition to smuggled carpets, which have been invading the Moroccan market through secret and illegal ways, contraband also affects the sector of the traditional carpet. Some merchants of the traditional carpet mix original carpets with industrial ones and trick costumers to pay too much money for a fake carpet, which is not 100°/° hand made. This dishonest trade is also considered contraband. Moreover, since the case study of this research paper is the Fassi traditional carpet, I consider any manufactured carpet, (especially the one brought from abroad) that challenges the traditional carpet, contraband.

Image 6: Moroccan consumers prefer the contraband carpet because it is cheap. The old Medina, Fez

Image 7: Carpets smuggled by immigrants. The old Medina, Fez

C) A journey into the world of smugglers: a brief account from Attajdid newspaper[9]

When we arrived to the city of Ceuta at 05:30 am, we noticed an incomparable activity of people and vehicles. A huge number of people, men and women, were queuing in a very long line, holding their passports and waiting for the permission to enter the city. A boundless chain of cars filled the streets and a group of people who did not have passports, were standing in a corner and waiting for an occasion to steal their way, through the border walls, into Ceuta. Other people were selling contraband products in a small market next to the entry leading to Ceuta.

Smugglers who were queuing were required to present their passports to customs more than once. First, they had to show their papers to customs in the first and second entries, then to Spanish officers in the third entry. All these procedures were not enough. Smugglers still had to go through a fourth entry in order to be able to cross to Ceuta. This fourth passage was surrounded with a barbed wire fence, and consisted of narrow corridors. It was very similar to the “Iris” passage in Israel, which Palestinians have to cross every day in order to go to work in the occupied Palestinian territories.

1) Beating Disobedient smugglers

While we were taking some photographs of this place, we were attracted by the voice of women screaming. A customs officer was beating them with a belt because they disobeyed his orders and did not follow the rules. The behaviour of this officer was not strange or abnormal. It was an everyday practice to exert authority and power on Moroccans and to force them to follow the Spanish orders. “The scenario of beating is frequent”, said a young man showing us injuries inflicted on his body by Spanish officers. “We have our passports that allow us to cross the border legally. But we are still the object of an unjustified assault”,[10] the young man added with a sad voice.

We followed smugglers to an area, which was, to some extent, free from customs. We saw men and women carrying heavy merchandise on their backs, shoulders, heads and hands. They looked so miserable and melancholic. Those people had to go a long way on foot, under the heat of the sun, and carrying a huge weight on their backs. After a long journey and arduous attempts to escape customs, smugglers arrived at a small market, where they could sell their smuggled objects to intermediary merchants or “chenaqa” as the local people call them. There were smugglers of different ages and sexes. Even old men and women were holding heavy merchandise and escaping from customs. Their clothes were wet from sweat and their backs were curved with heavy merchandise. We had considerable difficulty persuading a group of women to talk to us. When they finally agreed, we asked them about the reasons why they work in contraband. An old woman was the first one to give us an answer, “what can we do…our children throw us to fire.” A forty years old woman interrupted, “we came here to obtain a peace of bread.”[11]

Then, I asked the old woman why she did not stay at home instead of doing such a degrading and humiliating work. “Your role is at home as a mother and a grand mother,”[12] I told her. The women answered with a weary voice, “My husband is old and can’t leave the house; the rent is such a burden on my back, and you are telling me stay at home?”[13]

An old man who accepted to speak to us was also in a terrible situation. “The harshness of life and the burden of children…” he said “this is not my real job. I was a farmer, but since I could no longer plough and cultivate my land, I resorted to contraband.”[14]

2) Bribery and Sexual Harassment

Female smugglers have always been subject to incessant sexual harassment by Spanish officers. To quote a female smuggler, “many Spanish officers molest women and even caress their bodies…most women show no objection because they are afraid of losing their merchandise.”[15] “Some times,” the woman added, “the Spanish officers give their phone numbers to some of us and oblige some women to call them at the end of the day. If they don’t call them they will never be allowed into Ceuta.”[16]

Bribery or “fifa”, as they call it in the north, also constitutes an every day activity in the Spanish-Moroccan border. One of the contraband merchants we met during our investigation affirmed that “every day, we are forced to bribe the officers with five Dirhams. This is something we got used to.”[17] Another smuggler intervened with a mocking smile: “you can see them at the end of the day carrying plastic bags full of coins of five Dirhams. They collected them from smugglers.”[18] Another man explained: “the smuggler puts five Dirhams inside his passport and gives it to the officer. The officer takes the passport and hides very quickly the five Dirhams.”[19]

Once away from customs, smugglers begin a new adventure. This time the problem lies in the transportation of contraband goods to other Moroccan cities such as Rabat, Fez and Casablanca. Smugglers, who are most of the time women, usually take the bus or the train to transport their merchandise to other cities. To avoid problems, smugglers resort to bribery. In the bus, for instance, each smuggler must give an amount of money to the driver, depending on the number of bags he or she has. Usually, they pay five Dirhams for each bag. In the train, panicky women struggle to hide their merchandise from customs. They divide their merchandise on different compartments and hide their bags under the seats. Once caught by the train inspectors, they lose some of their merchandise.

D) A smuggler conveys his trade secrets

While conducting research about contraband in the old Medina, I came across a smuggler who cheerfully accepted to be interviewed and promised to tell me ‘every thing’ about contraband. He even gave me a written description of what happens in the Spanish-Moroccan border. We had the following interview:

Q: First of all, can you tell me how old you are?
A: I am 28 years old.

Q: What is your educational level?
A: University level. I have a B.A. degree in Geography.

Q: How long have you been involved in contraband?
A: For 4 years now.

Q: What are the reasons that have pushed you to work in contraband?
A: Unemployment, poverty, and the wish for a quick profit…My father is dead and I am responsible for my mother and sisters. I have to do something to support my family financially. I have a B.A. degree but I cannot find a job. What shall I do? Die of hunger?

Q: Is the money that you earn from contraband enough for you and your family?
A: No, not at all. I don’t make enough money because I am a small merchant. I face too many problems and sometimes I lose all my merchandise because of customs.

Q: What kind of merchandise do you smuggle?
A: I smuggle different products, but the kind of goods we bring depends on the seasons, and on the needs of the consumers and of the merchants with whom we work.

Q: Can you tell me about the regions of Morocco where contraband exists?
A: There are three regions in Morocco where contraband is thriving:
The north: the cities of Tetouan, Castillejos, and Fnideq. The northeast: the city of Nador. The east: the cities of Oujda and Figig.

Q: What types of goods do you smuggle from each region?
A: From Oujda we smuggle goods coming from Algeria such as pyjamas, clothes, garments, bedspreads, and all kinds of industrial carpets. We also bring different foods and drinks, especially cheese, rise, milk, chocolate, spices, and flour. From Algeria we also smuggle shoes, perfumes, cosmetic products, radios, televisions, refrigerators, oil, and cattle especially sheep and goats. From Tetouan and Nador we smuggle the same products apart from carpets and cattle. We also smuggle wine and cigarettes namely Marlboro and Winston, and sport shoes especially Nike and Adidas because they are cheap.

Q: Can you tell me about the quality of contraband products?
A: In general, compared to Moroccan products, smuggled products are of bad quality, but the consumer is not aware of that. Let’s take, for example, the cheese brand La vache qui rit. The consumer prefers to buy La vache qui rit brought from Algeria because it is cheaper than La vache qui rit made in Morocco. In addition, both products are similar in the cover. As a result, people believe that they are also similar in quality. In fact, this is not the case; the Algerian La vache qui rit is of a bad quality. You can see that in the colour of the Algerian cheese, which is not perfectly white.

Q: You told me in an earlier conversation that smugglers fall into three categories. Can you tell me more about that?
A: Yes, there are three categories of contraband merchants. There are the big merchants who are professional smugglers. Most of them are Jews who have a Spanish nationality. Some of them live in Tetouan and have special rights and privileges that most people do not have. Those smugglers are protected by the authorities and find no difficulty in importing large quantities of smuggled goods from Spain and Algeria. Usually, big merchants hire people called “darwaqa” who are known to the customs. They bring smuggled goods from Ceuta, and they bribe the customs officers and can easily cross the border. Once they are in Morocco, they find their employees waiting for them in big ‘207’ cars. There are also the common merchants, some of whom are residents of Tetouan or Nador. They are allowed to enter the Spanish colonies Ceuta and Melilla with their identity cards. The trouble is that they have to bribe the customs officers in order to pass their merchandise. Smugglers who do not reside in Tetouan or Nador buy the merchandize from big merchants, and then sell it in different Moroccan cities. The low merchants come from different Moroccan cities to buy merchandise from the big or common merchants. They usually buy specific merchandise referred to as “lhabba” or “lgannar”.

Also contraband products find their way to Morocco through immigrants, who cross from Ceuta and Mellila in their way back to Morocco. Immigrants do not face significant problems in customs because once they are questioned about the objects they have in their cars, they claim that they are personal items that are not for sale.

Q: Since you sell your merchandise in Fez, can you tell me more about contraband in the city of Fez?
A: Fez is one of the main shelters for contraband products coming from Nador and Oujda. It is also the meeting point of big and low contraband merchants. In Fez, low merchants buy their merchandise from big merchants. To avoid customs, low merchants mix their smuggled merchandise with products coming from Casablanca and transport them to other Moroccan cities. Usually, smugglers do not find problems with customs in this area.

Q: Can you tell me about carpet smuggling? 
A: Yes. Carpets are smuggled from Algeria. Big merchants smuggle a very big number of carpets and sell them to common and low merchants. Other smugglers can bring only two or three carpets from Algeria. It is also worth mentioning that immigrants play a very important role in carpet smuggling. By using big cars called 207 or 306, immigrants can smuggle over 10 carpets in each trip. They clean the back of the car and spread the carpets one on top of another. Usually, all the carpets are of similar size. They hide the carpets with plywood, and then put their personal luggage on top of them. The quality of those smuggled carpets is bad because all the carpets brought by immigrants are “soldé”. That is to say, they either have flaws or they are old-fashioned.

II) Contraband constitutes a turning point in the history of the traditional carpet

The history of the Moroccan carpet goes back to the Merinid era in the second half of the 13th century. The Moroccan carpet was considered the pride of palaces, Mosques, Zaouias, tombs, etc. In the past, carpets were the most preferred gifts for princes and for people of high social rank. Together with blankets and fabric wall-coverings, carpets were also an important part of the bride’s trousseau.

In the high Atlas region, carpets and rugs were woven by almost all tribes and they were made only for domestic purposes. Only a few tribes produced a certain number of carpets destined for sale. The hanbel, however, was produced in large quantities and marketed in many mountain souks. Since the 17th century, a festival has been annually organised in the high Atlas region to celebrate the Moussem of Sidi Ali or M’hamed. During the festival, most local villagers buy and sell hand made carpets, and display their weaving products. For thousands of years, their carpets have been famous for the quality of the wool used and for their striking colours, which were produced by natural dyes. Carpets made in the high Atlas region have been very popular for a very long time. They are known for their small size, the softness of their wool and the beautiful way in which they are woven.

Today, Berber women continue to excel in making traditional carpets. Some of them still use ancient methods, despite the introduction of chemicals several years ago. They still make some natural colours such as orange from henna. Carpet weaving is still learned in the traditional manner in the countryside. In addition to cooking and farming, women, in the countryside, do the weaving. The skill of weaving is taught at home, within the family, since the mother is responsible for initiating her daughter in the art of carpet-making. According to Ali Amahan, “Initiation in the art of rug-weaving is a hard apprenticeship. The young apprentice must not only learn a certain technique, she must also memorize the color range, learn how to register each pattern, and master all the decorative motifs (signs and symbols)”.[20]

For centuries, the Berber carpet was able to preserve its authenticity, and also its position as a popular way of expression. Through weaving, women were able to express their feelings, their personality, their aspiration, their happiness and their enjoyment. Since the Berber language was only spoken and not written, the Berber carpet became an extraordinary reflection of the Berber’s way of life. Their work skilfully projected their identity and their tribe to which they belong. In this respect, Ali Amahan states: “A rug is not just a work of art, nor is it merely a utilitarian object. It is also a testimony to a constant struggle – against forgetting, against the passage of time – in an effort to retain a memory. The place where this memory is found, the place of imagination and the place of knowledge, the rug may be interpreted in several ways.”[21]

Berber carpets are the oldest types of carpets in Morocco. Arab carpets, on the other hand, are not as old in Morocco as those that come from Berber regions. In addition, the Arab carpet is originally woven in small local workshops in cities. Like the magic carpet of Arabian legend, the Arab Moroccan carpet does perform magic, transforming interior spaces into extraordinary spaces. The history of the Arab carpet in Morocco is disputed. What is agreed upon is that it had originated from the Middle East and it was quickly adopted by Moroccans and reproduced by women of the city. It is said that the Muslims of Andalusia, who settled in Morocco, brought with them the designs and skills of producing Arab carpets. Gradually, the Arab carpet has developed the aesthetic criteria of the country with definite oriental inspiration.

A) Various traditional carpets in the Medina of Fez

There are two major types of carpets found in the Medina of Fez: the Fassi carpet and the carpet of the Middle Atlas.

1) The Fassi carpet

Fassi carpets are 100% hand made Arab carpets. They are known for their regular form, matching colours, the soft aspect of their wool, and the order of their ornaments exposition. The Arab carpet is originally made in the city by Fassi professional women who, thanks to their pure imagination, are able to choose the marriages of colours as well as the motives with spontaneity and harmony. The Arab carpet is full of sophisticated decoration and ornaments, and often displays Turkish or Persian motifs. Arab carpets are various, flowered and geometrical. They are also strikingly beautiful, original, authentic, unique, and very valuable.

In Morocco, carpet weaving is under the control of the Government. Merchants cannot sell their carpets unless they are authenticated and verified by the state. The Moroccan Government also labels the carpets for buyers so that they have an idea about the carpet’s quality. The Fassi carpet is labelled “Extra Superior” and is of the highest quality. What indicates the extra superior quality of the Fassi carpet is an orange stamp called “quittance” stuck on the back of the carpet. Image 9: A stamp which indicates the superior quality of a Fassi hand made carpet "This stamp," states a Fassi merchant of traditional carpets “is like a passport. It indicates the date the originality and the quality of the carpet. All our carpets are controlled by the state.” A standard Fassi carpet (3m x 2m or 3.28 yds x 2.19 yds) takes from 3 to 6 months to be made. Compared to the Berber carpet, the Fassi carpet is larger and requires more time and effort.

The Fassi carpet falls into many different categories: Khamsini is an Arab carpet with Persian ornaments. This carpet consists of too many colours, and it is always decorated with trees, birds and flowers. Limouna is a royal carpet, which consists of two main designs the “lwasty” or the middle, and the border. Originally, this carpet is large and has a red background. Lmehrab is a prayer carpet of Turkish origin, with a triangle design, which points to the direction of Mecca. Lhajouji has a typical design, since it is a collection of similar squares which contain necessarily a scale as a categorising ornament.

Image 11: Fassi carpets: the khamsini

Image 12: Fassi carpet: Limouna, Dar Zaouia, Fez

Image 13: Lhajouji carpet. Dar Zaouia, Fez

Image 15: A newly made Berber carpet. Dar Zaouia, Fes

Image 16: a Berber rug, Fez

Image 17: A middle Atlas carpet containing many Berber symbols, Fez

Image 18: A Berber carpet decorated with “mouzoun”, Fes

2) The Middle Atlas carpet

The middle Atlas carpet consists of two types of carpets: the Berber carpets and the Berber rugs. TheBerber carpets have simple designs with a light single colour (white most of the time). They are usually newly made carpets, small (less than 3m X 2m) and contain very simple designs called tattoos, which refer to Berber symbols and to the type of life Berbers used to live. Unlike the Arab carpet, which is sold by meter, the Berber carpet is sold by piece. The Berber carpet has a blue stamp, which indicates its originality and superior quality. Image 14: The blue stamp indicates the superior quality of Berber carpets

Berber rugs are carpets that are closer to blankets in their handle. They are soft, flexible, and multi-usage carpets. They can be used either on the floor or hanged on walls. They can also be used as over seat coating or as bed spreads for the purpose of decoration. Berber rugs are characterised with the right coordination of their parts. Their design is symmetrical and their motives are repeated with a rhythmical model. Most Berber rugs are decorated with stemmed triangles, zigzag lines, chevrons, and linear X ornaments, which makes them ethnographic documents. Some Berber rugs are decorated with “mouzoun” or sequins. Sometimes they are decorated on both sides, with the back being simpler than the front.

Usually Berber rugs look old although they are recently made. When I asked a carpet merchant about the reason why they look old, she answered: “I don’t know. Berbers have their secret ways of making their rugs look old. And the older they appear the more precious they become.”

B) The traditional carpet struggles to survive the shortage of workers and the invasion of contraband

In the last twenty years, and with the appearance of contraband in the Medina of Fez, the traditional carpet knew a considerable decline with the emergence of manufactured carpets. In addition to manufactures, which produce carpets in large quantities, contraband provides the Medina of Fez with industrial carpets, which are diverse, abundant, and above all cheap compared to the traditional carpet. Moroccan consumers have turned their backs on the traditional carpet and have become very addicted to smuggled carpets. As a result, craftswomen of the traditional carpet abandoned their workshops and some of them even became professional smugglers.

To understand better to what extent the field of the traditional carpet suffers from the phenomenon of contraband, I decided to interview a traditional carpet merchant who has been working and living in the Fez Medinq for a long time.

Q: How long have you been working in the field of the traditional carpet?
A: Ten years.

Q: Has the traditional carpet known any changes in the past decade?
A: Yes. The traditional carpet has known significant transformations at several levels: the standards of craftsmanship, the quality of used materials, the quality of design, and also the nature of consumers. In those days, the traditional carpet is no longer restricted to a specific class of society. On the contrary, any common Moroccan person can buy a traditional carpet.

Q: What do you think about the price of the traditional carpet?
A: Until now, the price of the traditional carpet is very convenient to the economic level of Moroccan people. I think anybody can afford to buy a traditional carpet.

Q: What about the quality of the traditional carpet?
A: The traditional carpet is 100% of a good quality. It is proficiently and very carefully woven. If it is damaged we have special people who can restore it so that it looks as good as it did originally. However, the smuggled carpet for instance, which competes with the traditional carpet, cannot be repaired if it is damaged or if it looks less attractive.

Q: Are Moroccan people interested in buying the traditional carpet?
A: Unfortunately they are not. The Fassi traditional carpet is given more attention by tourists who come from the west. But recently, some Moroccans started to pay more attention to the traditional carpet.

Q: Why do you think Moroccans don’t buy local traditional carpets?
A: Because they know nothing about its high position, its quality, and its history. Western people, who read about the Moroccan carpet, come from distant countries to buy a Moroccan carpet. Those people know what a traditional carpet is; they know about its quality, about the materials with which it is made, and how much time it takes to be made. On the contrary, our people have no time to read about the traditional carpet; this is why they don’t care about it and don’t even respect it.

Q: In your opinion why have Moroccans neglected the traditional carpet?
A: Because those people have no sense of nationalism and they do not care about their local economy. They also have no artistic taste and they are not concerned about the decor of their houses.

Q: Don’t you think that the expensive price of the traditional carpet is responsible for such neglect?
A: No, not at all. A Moroccan consumer will buy, for example, a smuggled carpet for DH 2000 or DH 2500, or let’s say DH 3000. This carpet is cheap but it doesn’t give the Moroccan salon its traditional aspect. On the other hand, the buyer of the traditional carpet can choose the design he likes. The customer can even give us a piece of cloth from his salon “tlmeta” so that we can make a carpet that fits the colours of the sofas. In addition to that, the traditional carpet is unique; no one is similar to the other. And whatever they do with industry to imitate the traditional carpet, they can never produce some thing like the original hand made carpet.

Q: What kind of Moroccan people buy the traditional carpet? 
A: Mainly rich people, but there are some people with a very limited income who prefer to buy the traditional carpet. Instead of buying smuggled carpets for DH 2000 or DH 1900, they prefer to pay DH 6000 or DH 7500 but for a local, traditional and original carpet. We also encourage those consumers by allowing them to pay by instalments.

Q: Can you tell me how the smuggled carpet threatens the traditional carpet?
A: The price of the smuggled carpet is very cheap and any Moroccan can afford to buy one. But we have to bear in mind that the smuggled carpet is cheap because it is of a very poor quality and it doesn’t require too much time to be made. On the other hand, the traditional carpet has become rare in the market; women no longer want to work in the field of the traditional carpet. They prefer knitting and sewing to carpet weaving.

Q: As an old resident in the Medina of Fez, what can you tell me about the changes that have occurred in the Medina since the emergence of contraband?
A: Contraband has completely destroyed the local product, which is usually of a high quality and which therefore cannot be as cheap as the smuggled product. Smuggled goods, on the other hand, are illegal and, therefore, cheaper. Moreover, smuggled products threaten the identity of Moroccans, and if Moroccan people continue to buy contraband products, one day they will forget about their identity and they will find themselves living in a European environment although they are in Morocco.

Q: How do you imagine the Medina of Fez in the future?
A: Responsible people have been saying that they are fighting contraband, but I see nothing of the kind. On the contrary, the government has created markets specifically for contraband products. If they are indeed fighting smuggling, how come they create specific markets to sell contraband? Look for example at “Rehbat Zbib,” you cannot walk across it. Look also at Mellah souk in Fez jdid; wherever you go, you find contraband products. If you go to el ‘attarin souk, you will find foreign merchandise in every direction…and they say they are fighting contraband! They are supporting contraband! The el ‘attarin souk was called so because in the past people sold perfumes there. Today, one finds contraband objects such as watches, sun glasses, chains, mobile accessories. This souk has totally changed and has lost the traditional aspect of the past.

C) The consumer’s attitude towards the traditional carpet

In an attempt to find out about the Moroccan consumer’s attitudes towards the traditional carpet, I distributed a questionnaire* to the inhabitants of Fes, of different ages, sexes, and social classes. In the questionnaire, I asked the following question: what kind of carpets do you prefer to buy, the traditional or the contraband carpet?

The questionnaire yielded the following results:

• 75% of people prefer to buy the Moroccan traditional carpet.

• 25% of people prefer the smuggled carpet.

Another question was how they find the smuggled carpet compared with the traditional carpet. I received the following answers:

• 65% said that contraband carpets are cheaper than traditional carpets.

• 17% said that the quality of contraband carpets is better than the quality of traditional carpets.

• 32% said that the smuggled carpet is more practical and easier for use than the traditional carpet.

• 35% of people believe that smuggled carpets are more fashionable compared to traditional carpets.

In addition to these statistics some consumers added the following remarks: “The traditional carpet is of a very good quality, but it is very expensive.” “I would like to buy a traditional carpet but I can’t because it is very expensive.” “I like the traditional carpet because it represents our history and culture.” “The traditional carpet is an extremely beautiful artistic work which cannot at all be compared with smuggled carpets.” “The traditional carpet represents Moroccan identity and culture.” “I think that the traditional carpet is dying out because it cannot compete in the face of cheap foreign carpets.”

From the questionnaires and people’s remarks, I conclude that Moroccans feel compelled to abandon the traditional carpet and buy the contraband carpet, and this has nothing to do with their lack of nationalism or their lack of loyalty to their culture. The main reason is the expensive price of the traditional carpet, which stands as an obstacle between most Moroccan people and the traditional and local product. On the other hand, contraband is an alternative and even a resort to the majority of Moroccans, through which they can possess objects that are good, beautiful, up-to-date and, above all, cheap.

Conclusion

Since Fez was declared a world heritage site in 1980, it has become a point of interest for national and international researchers who want to study a city which is still striving to conserve the shade of the past even with the emergence of the phenomenon of contraband. In this paper, I tried to give a brief account about the phenomenon of contraband and its impact on the culture, the people, and the traditional aspect of the Medina of Fez.

Today, Fez is the home of approximately 300,000 people. It covers an area of 375 hectares and includes 13,385 buildings. Poverty, the high level of unemployment, and the long seasons of dryness pushed many farmers to abandon their lands and to settle in cities, mainly in old Medinas. This continuous rural immigration has accelerated the city’s physical and cultural decay and weakened its socio-economic conditions. Usually, those rural immigrants come with no special skills or traditional crafts and try to gain a living by selling contraband products on the streets of the Medina. Thus, the Medina has become a favourable place for industrial goods and contraband objects, which have a negative impact on the buildings, structure, culture, and the city’s local economy.

On the other hand, contraband is a double-edged sword. It is an alternative for the majority of Moroccans and it enables them to open up to the new technology, and to inaccessible products. Nevertheless, it is a dangerous and illegal trade, which has displayed a new mode of life, and a new culture, that has been disturbing the privacy and the old traditional quality of the Medina, not to mention the economic problems this phenomenon is causing. Contraband products compete with local products and even destroy them. The traditional carpet, which is the case study of this paper, serves as an excellent example of the destructive effect of this phenomenon. Moroccan people’s abandonment of the local traditional product is due mainly to financial reasons.

Finally, despite the invasion of contraband, the extraordinary Medina of Fez still preserves the main features of a medieval city from its immense surrounding walls to markets and working neighbourhoods. Responsible actions by the people and the government could help to regain the authentic and the typically oriental Medina of Fez.

Endnotes:

[1] Quoted in http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/199303/fez-preserving.a.city.html.
[2] Director General of UNESCO, 1974-1987. 
[3] Quoted in http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/199303/fez-preserving.a.city.html.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Quoted from http://www.paulbowles.org/fesbowles.html.
[7] 'Les trois definitions de la Contrebande', L’ECONOMISTE, 07 Juillet, 1999. 
[8] Quoted in 'Les Trois Definitions de la Ccontrebande', LECONOMISTE, 07 Juillet, 1999. 
[9] Mohammed Afzaz and Abdellah Erram 'Rihla Fi Alam El Mouharibin from Northern Morocco', Attajdid, 09 June 2004
[10] Quoted in Mohammed Afzaz and Abdellah Erram, 'Rihla Fi Alami El Mouharibin', Attajdid, 09 June 2004. 
[11] Quoted in Mohammed Afzaz and Abdellah Erram 'Rihla Fi Alami El MouharibinMin Shamal El Maghreb',Attajdid 09 June, 2004. 
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Quoted in Mohammed Afzaz and Abdellah Erram, 'Rihla Fi Alam El Mouharibin from Northern Morocco',Attajdid, 09 June 2004. 
[16] Ibid. 
[17] Ibid. 
[18] Ibid.
[19] Ibid. 
[20] Quoted from http://www.southbazar.com/english/ev-infos/technics/ev-mdoctap.html.
[21] Ibid.

Bibliography
Online websites
http://www.paulbowles.org/fezbowles.html.
http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/199303/fez-preserving.a.city.html
http://www.worldpress.org/Europe/2168.cfm
http://www.maroc-hebdo.press.ma/
http://barcelona.indymedia.org/newswire/display/236408/index.php
http://www.maroc-hebdo.press.ma/

Interviews
Interviews with smugglers.
Interviews with traditional carpet sellers.
Interviews with consumers of the traditional carpet.
Interviews with consumers of the smuggled carpet.
Interviews with carpet weavers.

Magazines
Mohammed Afzaz and Abdellah Erram. “Rihla Fi Alam El Mouharibin Min Shamal El Maghreb.” Attajdid, 09 June, 2004. 

“Les Trois Definitions de la Contrebande.” L’Economiste, 07 Juillet, 1999.